Friday, 23 October 2009

The Grand Mufti's Mission


The Grand Mufti's mission

By Michael Gerson
Friday, October 23, 2009


Sheik Ali Gomaa, the Grand Mufti of Egypt, possesses a wonderfully exotic title, a scholarly manner and the unique burden of issuing about 5,000 fatwas a week -- the judicial rulings that help guide the lives of the Muslim faithful. On a recent visit to the United States, he explained to me the process of "resolving issues of modern life." And modern life offers Gomaa and his team of subordinate muftis plenty of fodder for resolution, from the permissibility of organ transplants, to sports gambling, to smoking during Ramadan, to female judges, to the use of weapons of mass destruction, to mobile phone transmitters on the tops of minarets.



This is perhaps the most difficult aspect of Islam for many non-Muslim Americans, who must look back to Puritan Massachusetts for a time when hermeneutics -- the art of interpreting a holy text -- was such a consequential public matter. In the West, theological debates have long been confined to seminaries, causing nothing more serious than denominational splits. In Egypt, Gomaa is a theological celebrity. His office, the Dar al-Iftaa, is part of the Ministry of Justice. And though his rulings are nonbinding unless adopted into Egyptian law, they are widely influential.

Reform in the Arab world is not likely -- at least soon -- to reflect the Western privatization of theological beliefs. All of life is subject to sharia law, and most Arab governments gain at least a part of their legitimacy by reflecting it. At its worst -- but rarely -- this involves the classical Islamic punishments of stoning and amputation. At its best, sharia law plays an equivalent role to the rule of law, binding both rulers and ruled by the same objective standard of justice.

So it obviously matters greatly how sharia law is interpreted, and who does the interpreting. But Islam, for better or for worse, has no pope or traditional clergy. Instead, it has several schools of interpretation -- all of which view the Koran and the traditions of the prophet Muhammad as normative but reconcile local customs with Islam in different ways.

Some, on the Saudi Arabian model, view the 7th century as the purest Islamic ideal, which is difficult to reconcile with modernity, pluralism, democracy, women's rights and success in the modern world.

Sheik Gomaa represents a different approach. He can hardly be called a liberal. "The Egyptian people," he told me, "have chosen Islam to be their general framework for governance. That being the case, the Egyptian people will never accept homosexual marriage, or the use of illegal drugs, or the commission of homicide or joint suicide." Morality and its sources are absolute. "The Koran and the tradition are what we depend on," he insists. "They were true 1,400 years ago, they are true today, they will be true tomorrow."

But traditionalist Islam, in his view, is pragmatic in the way it applies these principles to "current reality." It is the job of Islamic scholars "to bridge the gap between the sources and life today." Some past interpretations "may have been corrupt -- we may find a better way. What we look to in tradition is methodology, not the exact results of 500 years ago." Gomaa focuses on "the intent of sharia to foster dignity and other core values," as well as "a commitment to the public interest."

"The end result is to improve the world, not destroy it," he said. As a result, Gomaa has made a number of rulings recognizing women's rights, restricting corporal punishment and forbidding terrorism.

"Let me give you an example of the approach from freedom," he told me. "The Prophet, in history, peace be upon him, wore clothes like what they wear in Sudan. The fact that the Prophet did that doesn't mean we all must dress that way. There are those who want to hold on to the past, not hold on to religion." Beneath Gomaa's interpretive approach is a strong assertion of the role of the traditional scholarly class within Islam. The issuing of fatwas by unqualified radicals has often led to religious chaos. Gomaa is a scholar of the first rank and believes that scholars, rooted in a long tradition of learning, should take the leading role in Islamic jurisprudence. His goal is not to liberalize Islam but to rescue orthodoxy from extremism.

This does not amount to a fully orbed theory of human liberty. But Gomaa stands for an important and encouraging principle: Radicalism is the shallowest view of Islam.

mgerson@globalengage.org

Wednesday, 14 October 2009

Islamic Humor: Divine TV Guide and Forcing Your Fate


Shaykh Yassir Chadly has been the imam (spiritual leader) at the Masjid-Al Iman a multi-cultural Sufi-oriented mosque in Oakland, California since 1992.

His unique blend of deep spiritual subjects combined with Sufi Folk traditions and his own distinctive sense of humor has made him an extremely popular lecturer around the Bay Area on subjects such as Islam, transformation and Sufism.

He is currently an adjunct professor at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley and has taught workshops at The California Institute for Integral Studies teaching classes on Islam, Sufism, The poet Rumi, and Sufi Storytelling and the art of sermon.

As a Moroccan musician, he has recorded albums with Jazz artists Omar Sosa, Pharoah Sanders and Randy Weston and has recently released his first solo CD entitled “AJEEB!!” available on itunes. He has also composed and performed music for The Lines Ballet Company of San Francisco, The North Carolina Ballet Company and The Alvin Ailey Dance Theatre.

He has also presented lecture/demonstrations on Moroccan and Gnawa music at many venues including The Julia Morgan Theatre And The California Academy of Sciences.

In 2002 Yassir performed live at The Diablo Valley College Ethnic Storytelling Festival in Concord, California.


Tuesday, 13 October 2009

For Peace to Prevail We Must Be At Peace Within Ourselves



Sri Satya Narayan Goenka (born 1924) is a leading lay teacher of Vipassanā meditation and a student of Sayagyi U Ba Khin. He has trained more than 700 assistant teachers and each year more than 100,000 people do Goenka sponsored Vipassana courses. Mr. Goenka is married to Ilaichidevi Goenka who sits as co-teacher with him. They have six sons.

SN Goenka emphasises that, "The Buddha never taught a sectarian religion; he taught Dhamma - the way to liberation - which is universal" and presents his teachings as non-sectarian and open to people of all faiths or no faith. Goenka calls Vipassana meditation an experiential scientific practice, through which one can observe the constantly changing nature of the mind and body at the deepest level, a profound understanding that leads to a truly happy and peaceful life.

Sunday, 11 October 2009

Arab/Muslim is not a 'Bad Name'!

Monday, 5 October 2009

'The Case for God' by Karen Armstrong


October 4, 2009
Perpetual Revelations
By ROSS DOUTHAT
The New York Times

By Karen Armstrong
406 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $27.95

The Bush era was a difficult time for liberal religion in America. The events of 9/11 were not exactly an advertisement for the compatibility of faith and reason, faith and modernity, or faith and left-of-center politics. Nor was the domestic culture war that blazed up in their wake, which lent a “with us or against us” quality to nearly every God-related controversy. For many liberals, the only choices seemed to be secularism or fundamentalism, the new atheism or the old-time religion, Richard Dawkins or George W. Bush.

But now the wheel has turned, and liberal believers can breathe easier. Bush has retired to Texas, and his successor in the White House is the very model of a modern liberal Christian. Religious conservatism seems diminished and dispirited. The polarizing issues of the moment are health care and deficits, not abstinence education or intelligent design. And the new atheists seem to have temporarily run out of ways to call believers stupid.

The time, in other words, is ripe for a book like “The Case for God,” which wraps a rebuke to the more militant sort of atheism in an engaging survey of Western religious thought. Karen Armstrong, a former nun turned prolific popular historian, wants to rescue the idea of God from its cultured despisers and its more literal-minded adherents alike. To that end, she doesn’t just argue that her preferred approach to religion — which emphasizes the pursuit of an unknowable Deity, rather than the quest for theological correctness — is compatible with a liberal, scientific, technologically advanced society. She argues that it’s actually truer to the ancient traditions of Judaism, Islam and (especially) Christianity than is much of what currently passes for “conservative” religion. And the neglect of these traditions, she suggests, is “one of the reasons why so many Western people find the concept of God so troublesome today.”

Both modern believers and modern atheists, Armstrong contends, have come to understand religion primarily as a set of propositions to be assented to, or a catalog of specific facts about the nature of God, the world and human life. But this approach to piety would be foreign to many premodern religious thinkers, including the greatest minds of the Christian past, from the early Fathers of the Church to medieval eminences like Thomas Aquinas.

These and other thinkers, she writes, understood faith primarily as a practice, rather than as a system — not as “something that people thought but something they did.” Their God was not a being to be defined or a proposition to be tested, but an ultimate reality to be approached through myth, ritual and “apophatic” theology, which practices “a deliberate and principled reticence about God and/or the sacred” and emphasizes what we can’t know about the divine. And their religion was a set of skills, rather than a list of unalterable teachings — a “knack,” as the Taoists have it, for navigating the mysteries of human existence.

It’s a knack, Armstrong argues, that the Christian West has largely lost, and the rise of modern science is to blame. Not because science and religion are unalterably opposed, but because religious thinkers succumbed to a fatal case of science envy.

Instead of providing the usual portrait of empiricism triumphing over superstition, Armstrong depicts an extended seduction in which believers were persuaded to embrace the “natural theology” of Isaac Newton and William Paley, which seemed to provide scientific warrant for a belief in a creator God. Convinced that “the natural laws that scientists had discovered in the universe were tangible demonstrations of God’s providential care,” Western Christians abandoned the apophatic, mythic approach to faith in favor of a pseudo­scientific rigor — and then had nowhere to turn when Darwin’s theory of evolution arrived on the scene.

An Aquinas or an Augustine would have been unfazed by the idea of evolution. But their modern successors had convinced themselves that religious truth was a literal, all-or-nothing affair, in which doctrines were the equivalent of scientific precepts, and sacred texts needed to coincide exactly with the natural sciences. The resulting crisis produced the confusions of our own day, in which biblical literalists labor to reconcile the words of Genesis with the existence of the dinosaurs, while atheists ridicule Scripture for its failure to resemble a science textbook.

To escape this pointless debate, Armstrong counsels atheists to recognize that theism isn’t a rival scientific theory, and that it is “no use magisterially weighing up the teachings of religion to judge their truth or falsehood before embarking on a religious way of life. You will discover their truth — or lack of it — only if you translate these doctrines into ritual or ethical action.” Believers, meanwhile, are urged to recover the wisdom of their forebears, who understood that “revealed truth was symbolic, that Scripture could not be interpreted literally” and that “revelation was not an event that had happened once in the distant past but was an ongoing, creative process that required human ingenuity.”

This is an eloquent case for the ancient roots of the liberal approach to faith, and my summary does not do justice to its subtleties. But it deserves to be heavily qualified. Armstrong concedes that the religious story she’s telling highlights only a particular trend within monotheistic faith. The casual reader, however, would be forgiven for thinking that the leading lights of premodern Christianity were essentially liberal Episcopalians avant la lettre.

In reality, these Christian sages were fiercely dogmatic by any modern standard. They were not fundamentalists, reading every line of Scripture literally, and they were, as Armstrong says, “inventive, fearless and confident in their interpretation of faith.” But their inventiveness was grounded in shared doctrines and constrained by shared assumptions. Their theology was reticent in its claims about the ultimate nature of God but very specific about how God had revealed himself on earth. It’s true that Augustine, for instance, did not interpret the early books of Genesis literally. But he certainly endorsed a literal reading of Jesus’ resurrection — and he wouldn’t have been much of a Christian theologian if he hadn’t.

Which is to say that it’s considerably more difficult than Armstrong allows to separate thought from action, teaching from conduct, and dogma from practice in religious history. The dogmas tend to sustain the practices, and vice versa. It’s possible to gain some sort of “knack” for a religion without believing that all its dogmas are literally true: a spiritually inclined person can no doubt draw nourishment from the Roman Catholic Mass without believing that the Eucharist literally becomes the body and blood of Christ. But without the doctrine of transubstantiation, the Mass would not exist to provide that nourishment. Not every churchgoer will share Flannery O’Connor’s opinion that if the Eucharist is “a symbol, to hell with it.” But the Catholic faith has endured for 2,000 years because of Flannery O’Connors, not Karen Armstrongs.

This explains why liberal religion tends to be parasitic on more dogmatic forms of faith, which create and sustain the practices that the liberal believer picks and chooses from, reads symbolically and reinterprets for a more enlightened age. Such spiritual dilettant­ism has its charms, but it lacks the sturdy appeal of Western monotheism, which has always offered not only myth and ritual and symbolism (the pagans had those bases covered), but also scandalously literal claims — that the Jews really are God’s chosen people; that Christ really did rise from the dead; and that however much the author of the universe may surpass our understanding, we can live in hope that he loves the world enough to save it, and us, from the annihilating power of death.

Such literalism can be taken too far, and “The Case for God” argues, convincingly, that it needs to coexist with more mythic, mystic and philosophical forms of faith. Most people, though, are not mystics and philosophers, and they are hungry for myths that are not only resonant but true. Apophatic religion may be the most rigorous way to go in search of an elusive God. But for most believers, it will remain a poor substitute for the idea that God has come in search of us.

Ross Douthat is an Op-Ed columnist for The Times.

Saudi university critic loses job


King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia has sacked a senior cleric who criticised a new science and technology university which opened in September. The cleric, Sheikh Saad al-Shethry, said the mixing of sexes in any university was evil and a great sin.

He demanded the curriculum should be vetted by Islamic scholars to prevent teaching of "alien ideologies". The $7bn university near Jeddah, named after King Abdullah, is a key project of the reform-minded Saudi monarch.

In what is being seen as a rare intervention, a royal decree removed Sheikh Saad from Saudi Arabia's most senior council of religious scholars, or ulema. No reason was given publicly for the removal.

The timing follows the sheikh's stringent criticism of the King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST), whose administration lies outside the control of the cleric-dominated ministry of education.

"The recommendation is to set up Sharia (Islamic law) committees at this university to oversee these studies and look into what violates the Sharia," Sheikh Saad was quoted saying last week in the Saudi press.

The government hopes the technologically advanced centre with its relaxed social constraints will help modernise the kingdom's deeply conservative society. In contrast to the strict rules outside the sprawling campus, women are allowed to drive and are not required to wear veils in classes.

Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/middle_east/8290260.stm

Published: 2009/10/05 10:01:52 GMT

© BBC MMIX

Egypt cleric 'to ban full veils'


Egypt's highest Muslim authority has said he will issue a religious edict against the growing trend for full women's veils, known as the niqab. Sheikh Mohamed Tantawi, dean of al-Azhar university, called full-face veiling a custom that has nothing to do with the Islamic faith.

Although most Muslim women in Egypt wear the Islamic headscarf, increasing numbers are adopting the niqab as well. The practice is widely associated with more radical trends of Islam.

The niqab question reportedly arose when Sheikh Tantawi was visiting a girls' school in Cairo at the weekend and asked one of the students to remove her niqab. The Egyptian newspaper al-Masri al-Yom quoted him expressing surprise at the girl's attire and telling her it was merely a tradition, with no connection to religion or the Koran.

Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/middle_east/8290606.stm

Published: 2009/10/05 13:07:55 GMT

© BBC MMIX

Thursday, 1 October 2009

Dictatorship Begins at Home

Harsh patriarchal rule in the home teaches deference and acceptance of subservience which begets harsh authoritarian rule in the nation.

Monday, 28 September 2009

Mohammad Rafi: The charming night has set

Suhaani raat dhal chuki
Na jaane tum kab aaoge

The charming night has set
Who knows when you will arrive?


Jahan ki rut badal chuki
Na jaane tum kab aaoge

Life’s direction has been stirred/moved
Who knows when you will arrive?


Nazaarein apni mastiyaan dikha dikhaake so gaye
Sitaarein apni roshni luta lutaake so gaye

The beauty surrounding me even sleeps after showing/alluring its trance
The stars have robbed and been robbed of their twilight and even gone to sleep


Har ek shamma jal chuki
Na jaane tum kab aaoge

Every light has been dimmed
Who knows when you will arrive?


Suhaani raat dhal chuki
Na jaane tum kab aaoge

The mesmarising night has set
Who knows when you will arrive?


Tadap rahe hai hum yahan
Tadap rahe hai hum yahan tumhaare intezaar mein

I am Yearning/pining/longing/ here
I am Yearning/pining/longing/ here – in this endless wait for you


Tumhaare intezaar mein
In this endless wait for you

Fiza ka rang aa chala hai
The wind/air full of romance is taking color

Mausam-e-bahaar mein
Mausam-e-bahaar mein
In the springful/prosperous weather

Hawa bhi rukh badal chuki
And now the wind has turned its direction

Na jaane tum kab aaoge
Who knows when you will arrive?

Suhaani raat dhal chuki
Na jaane tum kab aaoge

The charming night has set
Who knows when you will arrive?


Friday, 25 September 2009

Meda Ishq Vi Tu – You are also my Love



Celebrating Eid away from home (Scotland) was not easy for me but I was pleasantly surprised to have the good fortune of spending it with two new colleagues and friends and their families, Professor Naeem Inayatullah and Professor Asma Barlas who are both in the Politics Department at Ithaca College.

During our wonderful conversations the topic of music and ghazals came up. It was at this point that Naeem introduced me to Pathanay Khan’s ‘Meda Ishq Vi Tu’ – I had heard parts of Ghulam Farid’s Kafi (more on Ghulam Farid: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khwaja_Ghulam_Farid) with the ‘Radeef’ (refrain) on ‘Vi Tu’ – ‘are also you’, in the songs of Attaullah Khan EesaKhailvi. I also remember that I was once abruptly told to put off this song playing in my car because it was ‘idolatry’. The memory of that moment came flooding back after I heard Pathanay Khan’s beautiful rendition of this Kafi which has pushed me to re-examine this piece in light of my thoughts today. Is this really idolatry? Or is this truly about the Beloved (God)? So here is the Kafi and my simple commentary. I am also grateful to Saba who focused my attention to these ‘youtube’ clips without knowing that I was already thinking about this Kafi. I am taking some of the translations that I found on the web and adding my own translation. Leaving you all to ponder and reflect upon the words…

‘These knots, knots…my beloved, these knots by the hundreds

The material world, the difficulties, the pain, the splendor, oh how they have taken over my eyes and ended me in difficulty…knots…these knots

These eyes weep, they weep, complain, turmoil, recalling the troubles that emerge from you, these knots are attained, over and over again

Oh friend, Farid, they are surely blessed who are attached to the beloved’


Even though God ‘bestows’ knots, difficulties in the body and eyes of the believer there still remains a passion of attaching/associating oneself to the Beloved (God).

Translated by Asif J Naqshbandi
You Are My Ardour
You are my ardour, my friend, faith, creed.
You are my body, you are my spirit, heart, soul.
You’re the direction towards which I pray.
You are my Mecca, my mosque, my pulpit.
You are my holy books and my Koran.
You are my religious obligations,
My Hajj, charity, fasting, call to prayer.
You are my asceticism, worship,
My obedience and my piety.
You are my knowledge and you’re my gnosis .
You’re my remembrance, my contemplation
You are my tasting and my ecstasy.
You are my love, my sweet, my darling, my honey
You are my favorite, and my soulmate!
You’re my spiritual preceptor, my guide ,
You are my Shaykh and my Enlightened One
You are my hope, my wish, my gains, losses.
You’re all I see, my pride, my deliverance.
You’re my faith, my honour, modesty, glory
You’re my pain, sorrow, my crying, playing
You are my illness and my remedy.
You are what lulls me to a peaceful sleep.
You are my beauty and my fate, fortune, fame.
You are my looking, enquiring, seeking
You are my understanding, my knowing
You are my henna, my collyrium,
My rouge, my tobacco, my betel-leaf!
You are my terror, my passion, madness
You’re my crying and my lamentation.
You are my Alpha and my Omega,
My Inner, Outer, Hidden, Manifest.
If, O’Belovéd, you accept Farid
You are my Sovereign and my Sultan.

Who is the ‘you’? What does this ‘you’ really mean to us? If God is love then the entire material world, ritualized life must be imbued in that love which pushes us to consider how can such a passionate world view be physically manifested? Is this a wrong view of spirituality? Love can never be idolatry – love is always God.



Thursday, 24 September 2009

The happy Muslims who confuse you By Mona Eltahawy, August 25, 2009

Tuesday, 22 September 2009

When Can You Say That a Person is No Longer a Muslim?: Q&A with Professor Abdullahi An-Naim

How To Improve the Qualities of the Ulamas So the Real Values of Islam Are Taught: Q&A with Professor Abdullahi An-Naim

Why I Need a Secular State: Abdullahi An-Naim

Islamic scholar Tariq Ramadan defends his views


www.latimes.com
By Henry Chu
September 22, 2009
Reporting from London

Islamic scholar Tariq Ramadan defends his views
The Swiss-born thinker, who was denied a visa to teach in the U.S., says he is a reformist interested in a 'post-integration discourse' to explore the ways Muslims in the West can contribute.

Liberal Muslim or closet fundamentalist? Peaceful intellectual or militant in sheep's clothing?

Tariq Ramadan has been called all these things -- and more -- by his friends and foes. Whatever the truth, the Swiss-born Oxford University professor ranks among the most influential thinkers in the Muslim world.

The grandson of the man who founded the radical Muslim Brotherhood, Ramadan drew attention in the United States in 2004 when he was denied a visa to take up a post at the University of Notre Dame because he had given money to a Swiss-based charity that the U.S. later alleged had linked to the militant group Hamas. (In July, a federal appeals court ordered that Ramadan's case be revisited.)

Another controversy erupted last month when Ramadan was fired as an integration advisor to the Dutch city of Rotterdam, which said that his hosting of a show on an Iranian state television network could be seen as an endorsement of the Tehran government. Ramadan calls his dismissal a politically motivated decision to appease Rotterdam's anti-Muslim populist party.

Ramadan, 47, recently gave an interview in London, where he lives with his wife and their four children. His comments have been edited for conciseness and clarity.

Doesn't it bother you to work for and appear on a television station run by the Iranian government, which many see as a propaganda tool of a repressive regime?

I took three months to decide to be involved in this, three months where I talked to people who are not all supportive of the government. Quite the opposite: people who were jailed in Iran, people who are against [the government]. They told me, "Look, if they are giving you this window for you to come with your ideas, to spread around your interpretations, do it" . . .

I'm not at all someone . . . who is through this program supporting the regime. I am a free intellectual and free mind. What I want people to see and to assess is the program itself, to watch the program. You will see with the program I am inviting . . . rabbis, priests, women with head scarf, without head scarf, and having an open discussion.

Can you and have you criticized the Iranian government on this program?

It's not a political program. The program is a philosophical, religious program on [Koranic] interpretations and contemporary issues dealing with religion and philosophy.

You've been called a liberal Muslim reformist and an Islamist in sheep's clothing, with ties to extremist and militant thinkers and groups. How do you describe yourself?

I am a reformist Muslim; I am a reformist scholar. . . . I take the Koran seriously. For me, these are texts that are Islamic reference.

But I'm also facing the contemporary world, so it's a dialectical process between being faithful to universal principles and to take history and context into account.

Critics say that you have made equivocal statements on women's rights, failed to condemn stoning as a punishment, described homosexuality as deviant and referred to the Sept. 11 attacks and the Madrid attacks as an "intervention." How do you respond?

My position on homosexuality is quite clear. . . . Islam, as Christianity, as Judaism, as even the Dalai Lama . . . [are] not accepting of homosexuality, saying that this is forbidden according to the principles of our religion. . . . My position, with homosexuals, is to say, "We don't agree with what you are doing, but we respect who you are," which I think is the only true liberal position that you can have. . . .

My position on the death penalty, stoning and corporal punishment is once again quite clear. There are texts in the Koran and in the prophetic tradition referring to this. But I have three questions to ask Muslim scholars around the world: What do the texts say, what are the conditions to implement [the punishment], and in which context? As long as you don't come with a clear answer to this, it's un-implementable, because what we are doing now is betraying Islam by targeting poor people and women. . . .

You have been accused of saying one thing for Western, liberal, non-Muslim audiences and another thing -- more dogmatic, conservative and possibly extremist -- for Muslim ears. Is your message the same to both communities?

If this was the case, would I be banned on both sides, in the United States but also Saudi Arabia?

So what is your message?

My message [has] different levels and different dimensions. . . .

In the West, I am talking about "post-integration discourse." Integration is over. We are American, we are Canadian, we are European. And we are Muslims. The point for us now is not to integrate; it's to contribute. What we want for our fellow citizens is to integrate us in their minds, to integrate the fact that Muslims are their fellow equal citizens, which is not [yet] the case. We are still "the others.". . .

In Muslim-majority countries, [my message] is really to promote . . . emancipation and liberation [from] anything that has to do with dictatorship, and to promote the five main principles that for me are indisputable: rule of law, equal citizenship, universal suffrage, accountability and separation of powers. . . .

How would you see a Muslim democratic state as different from a Western secular democratic state? What would it look like?

I don't know, because I don't have a model. For me, talking about an Islamic state in the [abstract] doesn't mean anything. What I want for every single society is to respect these five principles. . . . I am sure that the Egyptian model will be different from the Iraqi model, and the Iraqi model will be different from the Saudi model.

Do you feel there is more mistrust of the West by Muslim-majority countries, or more mistrust of Muslims by Western countries?

I think it's exactly the same. . . .

[For] Western Muslims, as well as Muslims in Muslim-majority countries, the perception is that the West has an agenda, which is to dominate us. There is nurturing, sometimes, [of] a victim mentality. On the other side, we have also a victim mentality in the West: "Look at these people. Silent colonization. They come; they are taking our homes, our jobs." . . .

We live in a world of globalized victimization. I'm saying to the Muslims, "Stop with the victim mentality. Yes, you are facing discrimination, but stop with the victim mentality, [which] is nurturing this sense of alienation." And to the West, it's also saying, "Look, to come to a better understanding, it's a question of mutual education and mutual respect."

henry.chu@latimes.com

Copyright © 2009, The Los Angeles Times

Monday, 21 September 2009

Young Muslims use punk to loosen their religion


Chicago Sun-Times, USA
September 20, 2009
BY KATE SHELLNUTT

The notion of Muslims playing punk rock may seem like incongruous cultures -- profanity-laden lyrics following the religion's traditional greeting ("Salaam aleikum"), melodic Middle Eastern strumming punctuates noisy guitar feedback, purple and red mohawks and Arabic-scripted tattoos. But for the second-generation Americans leading this contemporary cultural movement, Muslim punk isn't just an irreverent juxtaposition.

"It makes sense," said 23-year-old Marwan Kamel, a Syrian-American and the lead guitarist for Al-Thawra, an experimental punk band whose name is Arabic for revolution. "You've got this pull from both sides when you're one of the first kids in your family to grow up in America. That's the thing that's so punk about it, 'cause that's what it's all about -- feeling f---ing different."
Taqwacore

Al-Thawra and a handful of other bands build communities online and tour across the country under the banner of taqwacore -- a term that fuses the words hard-core and taqwa, Arabic for piety.

The taqwacore scene spans the religious spectrum -- Muslims, mystics and atheists -- all sharing a real, first-person understanding of the effect religion has on their world. After all, these guys were in high school at the time of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. Having faced discrimination and the struggles of dual identity, they're now offering up a space for young Muslims to express themselves outside of Islam's traditional settings.

With a rebellious attitude and unabashed criticism of both East and West, Muslim punk highlights the breadth of Islamic practice and piety. For this colorful crew, donning patchwork jackets and taking slow drags from hookah pipes, religion is more personal than institutional or dogmatic.

For the most part, the bands drink and smoke, in excess, despite Islam's prohibition of both. When driving from coast to coast on tour, they're not stopping to break out prayer mats for the obligatory five-times-a-day salat.

But just because they aren't practicing Islam in the traditional way doesn't mean they don't still consider themselves religious Muslims.

"It's infinitely more pious to be true to your heart, because that's where religion really lives," said Kamel, who grew up in the Chicago area, raised by a Muslim father and Catholic mother.

Last week, a few taqwacore bands performed in a space not even tall enough for the musicians' mohawks -- a barely 6-foot-high basement under Kamel's apartment on Chicago's West Side. His band played alongside the Kominas, touring taqwacore rockers from Boston.

The sweaty crowd chanted along with the religious references and politically charged lyrics, written slightly tongue in cheek -- but mostly with tongue stuck out. Their song titles have shock value. The opening act sang a song dubbed "I Pray Every Day Because I Don't Want to Die." The Kominas are best known for their catchy hit "Suicide Bomb the Gap."

"It's about the false dichotomy between East and West, talking about those gray zones," said Kamel. Thousands listen to Al-Thawra and the Kominas on their MySpace pages, with popular songs racking up nearly 10,000 plays thus far.

Muslim in-betweeners

While this generation's immigrant parents remain loyal to their home countries, and Muslims in their 30s and 40s having more fully assimilated into American culture, the taqwacore group finds themselves in between.

"The younger kids are more religious, but also more civic-minded," said Syed Ali, a sociology professor at Long Island University in Brooklyn, who researches second-generation Muslims. "They are very adamant about saying, 'I am a Muslim,' but also adamant about saying, 'I am an American, and I have these rights and no one's gonna screw with me.'"

From this contemporary Muslim-American experience comes their no-holds-barred criticism of both East and West. Band members say their music is a way to show fellow young Muslims that they don't have to limit themselves to conventional notions of religion.

"It's OK to approach Islam on your own terms," said Imran Malik, 25, the Kominas' drummer, wearing a cut-off black T-shirt with a picture of a spiky-haired Muslim kneeling for prayer.

Malik joined the band earlier this year after finishing medical school in Pakistan, where he also played for indie rock and punk groups. While there, the Princeton, N.J., native took the time to consider his own relationship with Islam and came to realize he was an atheist.

Many young Muslims like him connect with the cultural aspects of their religion but not the theological ones. Professor Ali at Long Island University said it's similar to secular Jews in the United States, people who connect to homeland and tradition and readily identify with the group but don't embrace its religious dogmas.

"I don't believe in God, but I see that religion has importance," said Malik. "It means different things for different people, and it's great that we can gather together under the term taqwacore."
Breaking it down

That word is taken from The Taqwacores, a novel about imaginary Muslim punk bands, written five years ago by Michael Muhammad Knight, an American convert to Islam. The countercultural-types that read Knight's fiction contacted him about the made-up scene and have since brought Muslim punk to life in concert venues, bars, hookah cafes and dimly lit basements, labeling themselves with the book's title (also the name of an independent feature film Knight is producing this year).

Real-life taqwacore spans musical styles and levels of religious dimension, band members say.

"I don't know if it's all that Muslim or if it's all that hard-core," said Kamel, whose own upbringing in Islam was more based in family tradition than teachings from a mosque. "Taqwacore is more about earnestness in music and earnestness in religion. Different people are in different places in terms of those things."

At a recent taqwacore show in Chicago, Kamel and Malik sat in a circle with a dozen or so other performers, fans and friends on the dirty floor littered with empty beer cans, clapping along to the loud chords of an electric guitar.

Omar Waqar, a Washington D.C.-based artist performing on tour with the Kominas, belted out a song about the partition of India, its lyrics scrawled in a black composition notebook set next to the stage.

Waqar cites his Sufi mysticism as inspiration, referring to one song as "qawwali," a type of devotional music from Pakistan and northern India. The crowd, most in their mid-20s, chants along, "They call it partition, it's more like separation!" singing out against a political event that took place decades before any of them were even born.

In America, Islam skews young, with a greater proportion of adherents under 30 than any other major religious group, according to the Pew Forum for Religion and Public Life. These Muslims in their 20s are twice as likely to report instances of discrimination than older ones, but they're also more likely to find support and solidarity from non-Muslim peers, according to the 2007 report.

Taqwacore shows draw audiences beyond the Arab-American and South Asian-American demographics. White kids and black kids who identify with or at least appreciate the Muslim punk message -- openly expressing views on religion, politics and the second-generation experience through music -- happily head-bang in the front row alongside a twirling belly dancer dressed in traditional jewelry.

"It's about being with a bunch of like-minded individuals," Malik said, noting, "We have the same questions, the same conflicts about identity."

Mainstream Muslims seem to more readily embrace hip-hop fusion (as seen in the PBS documentary "New Muslim Cool") while remaining hesitant about the rebellious punk scene. A few years ago, the Islamic Society of North America called police when taqwacore bands played at their national convention in Rosemont, the largest annual gathering of Muslims in the country.

At the ISNA show, girls in colorful hijabs cheered and rocked along with the music, evidence that many young people -- even more traditionally pious-types -- see a place for the punk genre in the Muslim-American community.

Ahlam Said, a 23-year-old activist, remembers watching the punk bands get kicked off the stage at the ISNA conference. At the time, she was involved with the Muslim Students Association at DePaul University in Chicago, where she attended school with Al-Thawra frontman Marwan Kamel.

"Just from the little instances I had with him, he was somebody who really was able to connect the dots around these issues and build solidarity around it, which I think is really important across the line," said Said, who now works for the Inner-City Muslim Action Network, a community outreach organization in Chicago.
Perspective

The young Muslim musicians involved in taqwacore have developed a new medium out of remnants of history -- cultural bits of their parents' homelands, Islam in its American form and the legacy of punk rock, a genre that began back in the '70s.

As they tell their stories and mock the stereotypes that mark their upbringing, they push the edges of the traditional box America's estimated 1.4 million Muslims typically find themselves in. And that's what makes it worthwhile, they say.

Aiming to open minds to new approaches to Islam, Malik, a doctor-to-be but a drummer-for-now, said candidly and absolutely: "This is the most important thing that I can be doing with my life right now."

Kate Shellnutt is a Carnegie-Knight fellow and the religion reporter for Northwestern University's News21 (northwestern.news21.com).

Thursday, 10 September 2009

Shirin Neshat on Iran's Green Revolution

Women Without Men: Iranian Film


Actress Arita Shahrzad (left) and director Shirin Neshat (centre) arrive for screening of film Zanan Bedoone Mardan (Women Without Men) at the Venice film festival. They wore the colour adopted by protesters against the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in June. (Photo FILIPPO MONTEFORTE)

Wednesday, 9 September 2009

Iran's Ahmadinejad pro-woman? Critics skeptical


By SCHEHEREZADE FARAMARZI (Associated Press)

BEIRUT — After securing one woman on his Cabinet, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is pushing for a second, defying opposition from hardline Islamic clerics who say women have no place in leadership positions.

His push for the first female Cabinet members since the 1979 Islamic Revolution may say more about Ahmadinejad's peculiar renegade position in Iran's leadership than any agenda to promote women's rights, say critics, who denounce his female nominees as reflections of his "anti-woman" policies.

The populist leader has shown a willingness to buck traditional powers — even in his own conservative camp — to get his way. In this case, opponents say, he wants to paint himself as a proponent of women after coming under heavy criticism for a heavy crackdown his government has waged against women's rights activists.

Last week, the conservative-dominated parliament approved a woman, Marzieh Vahid Dastjerdi, as health minister in Ahmadinejad's second-term government. Two other women that he nominated for the ministries of education and welfare and social security were rejected, along with a man he nominated for energy minister, after lawmakers criticized them as unqualified.

On Sunday, Ahmadinejad nominated another woman for education minister — conservative lawmaker Fatemeh Alia, who will face a parliament vote for approval on Sept. 15.

The nomination brought quick criticism from Mohammad Taghi Rahbar, a member of the parliament's judiciary committee who also represents senior clerics.

"As a number of religious scholars oppose the nomination of women for ministerial posts, I believe that the administration should not insist on the issue," Rahbar told reporters this week according to the semiofficial Mehr news agency, which is close to conservatives.

He said parliament approved the nomination of Dastjerdi because it wanted to grant Ahmadinejad his goal of having a woman minister in his Cabinet. But he warned that if he insists on more it will not sit well with senior clerics in the holy city of Qom.

Rahbar said "a man can handle managerial affairs much better and can travel to the provinces much easier."

Ahmadinejad is considered a religious hard-liner and has touted a philosophy that a woman's role in is in the home. His government has cracked down hard in particular on rights activists leading a campaign to reverse laws seen as discriminatory against women.

But critics say Ahmadinejad is defying resistance from hard-line clerics in part to improve his image and to show his independent streak, part of what makes him popular among some sectors of the public who are conservative but disenchanted with the longtime powers in the country.

"He's under the impression that this way he will be able to change his reputation in the eyes of women's rights groups around the world as a closed, brutal dictator," said analyst Mohammad Javad Akbarein. "He wants to be seen as a broadminded president."

Ahmadinejad probably expected at least some of his female nominees would be rejected by parliament, but "he went ahead with the selection to portray himself as a man of his word, that he's not easily cowed," Akbarein said.

The president has been willing to anger fellow conservatives with this nominations in the past — usually to give posts to loyalists. He sparked a firestorm of criticism earlier this year when he named a close ally, Esfandiar Mashai, as his top vice president, despite conservative opposition. He was finally forced to reverse the appointment on orders from the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but still he moved Mashai to another advisory post.

Parliament had been expected to reject more of Ahmadinejad's 21 Cabinet nominees. But in the end, it turned down only three, in large part because Khamenei intervened and asked lawmakers to approve them to prevent an embarrassing inter-conservative fight at a time when the pro-reform opposition is challenging Ahmadinejad.

Meanwhile, activists say the women Ahmadinejad has put forward would do little to promote their cause.

"These women that Mr. Ahmadinejad selected are anti-women," said Beirut-based Iranian activist Aida Qajar. "Their selection is a reflection of his beliefs and thoughts about women's place in society. These women work against the rights of women and have done nothing whatsoever to improve their lot."

In the past, Dastjerdi proposed segregated health care facilities for women and men. She's also against Iran joining the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 by the UN General Assembly.

Supporters of joining CEDAW have demanded for changes in laws that permit death by stoning for women accused of adultery, the practice of polygamy, employment laws that favor men, and family laws that give women only half the inheritance of men and deny divorced women full custody of their children.

Dastjerdi and Fatemeh Ajorlu — Ahmadinejad's first nominee for the education ministry — supported a bill that would allow a man take a second wife without the consent of his first wife. Islam allows men to have up to four wives at a time.

Also, Ajorlu supported an Ahmadinejad order limiting women students to half the places in universities, instead of the 65 percent they previously occupied.

Alia, the new nominee for the education ministry, has also opposed joining CEDAW, which she says "ignores differences between the roles, rights and obligations of men and women in the natural world."

Copyright © 2009 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

Tuesday, 8 September 2009

Yale and the Danish Cartoons


Kamran Pasha
Hollywood filmmaker, author of "Mother of the Believers"
Posted: September 8, 2009 12:25 PM
On Huffington Post USA

It is the controversy that refuses to die - the now infamous Danish cartoons about Prophet Muhammad that caused much furor in the Muslim world a few years ago have appeared in the media spotlight again after Yale University Press decided not to print the caricatures in an upcoming book about the very same controversy.

Yale removed the images from The Cartoons that Shook the World by Brandeis University professor Jytte Klausen, scheduled to be released next week, after deciding that they could incite violence from Muslim extremists.

As a practicing Muslim and as an artist and author, let me state unequivocally that Yale is wrong to practice this kind of self-censorship. The cartoons should be available for readers to make their own judgment.

Now that I have said that, let me share with you my own judgment about what the Danish cartoon controversy is really about.

The caricatures of Prophet Muhammad, including one depicting Islam's founder as wearing a bomb-shaped turban, first appeared in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in 2005. Over the next several months, Muslims throughout the world protested the cartoons as an insult to Islamic civilization. Islam traditionally prohibits any depiction of the Prophet (even favorable ones) to prevent idolatry. Images of the Prophet are nonetheless common in Islamic art, although he is nearly always shown as veiled.

Once Muslim protests began, other newspapers in the West reprinted the cartoons as an embrace of freedom of expression, which only exacerbated the controversy. Danish embassies in Syria, Lebanon and Iran were attacked by extremists, and a boycott of Danish goods was put in effect in many Muslim countries. Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen described the controversy as Denmark's worst international crisis since World War II.

To many people in the West, Muslim reaction to the cartoons reflected a fundamental intolerance toward art and debate in the modern Islamic world. And to many Muslims, the West's embrace of these caricatures of their most revered holy figure reflected bigotry and profound hatred for Islam as a religion and a civilization.

And to a very tragic degree, both groups are right about their perception of the other.

As a Muslim, I can admit (with deep regret) that freedom of speech is curtailed in most of the Islamic world. And art, once central to Muslim culture, has been neglected and disrespected in many Islamic societies today. Muslims were once the world's most respected and creative artisans. From the Mughal architects of India who built the Taj Mahal, to Persian poets like Rumi and Hafez whose words brought wonder to the human heart, to the musicians of Moorish Spain who gave birth to the troubadours of Europe, Muslim art thrived for centuries. Art was embraced by the Muslim community as an act of spirituality, a way of honoring God through reverence for the beauty of His creation. As long as art played a central role in Islamic civilization, it thrived. And when fundamentalists began devaluing art, Muslim civilization began to decline.

So, yes, there is some truth in the Western critique that Muslim reaction to the Danish cartoons reflects a cultural mindset against artistic expression, although I would suggest that this resistance is a modern development and not inherent to Islamic civilization or history.

And I have experienced that resistance personally. My novel, Mother of the Believers, has ruffled a great many feathers in the Muslim community. The book tells the story of Islam's birth from the perspective of Aisha, the wife of Prophet Muhammad. Some of my fellow Muslims have expressed outrage that I would tell the Prophet's story through the lens of historical fiction.

And yet my response to them is that what I have done is nothing new. Muslims have always used art, including fiction, to spread the message of Islam. We have just forgotten our own heritage. The Modern Library recently published The Adventures of Amir Hamza, a wonderful collection of legends and stories from the Islamic world about the Prophet's uncle Hamza. These were fictional tales used as wisdom stories throughout the Muslim world, more popular and influential in Islamic culture than The Arabian Nights - and yet they are largely forgotten by Muslims today.

In Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim country, Islam was spread through Sufi mystics, merchants and artists, not by any invading army. Indeed, one of the most colorful means of Islamic proselytizing in these once predominantly Hindu islands was the use of puppet shows to depict the victory of Allah over the local gods. These forms of popular art were tailored to the indigenous culture by Muslim teachers and were phenomenally successful in spreading the message of the faith.

In modern times, cinema has begun to play a role in spreading the message of Islam, despite the resistance of fundamentalists to this artistic medium. Moustapha Akkad's epic movie The Message about Prophet Muhammad caused riots in parts of the Islamic world when it was released in 1976 (similar to Muslim reactions to the Danish cartoons almost thirty years later).

And yet when Muslims actually saw Akkad's film, they were deeply moved by its reverence for the Prophet, and it is now a staple DVD in Muslim homes throughout the world. In 2004, an animated movie called Muhammad: The Last Prophet was released and has become a beloved children's film throughout the Islamic world.

My novel was written in the same vein as these cinematic works, and is frankly more honest and true to the historical sources, as these movies tend to present an idealized vision of Islamic history and shy away from issues of controversy today, such as polygamy in the Prophet's household and the Muslim conflict with the Jewish tribes of Arabia. But I chose to explore these issues that other Muslim storytellers avoided because they are part of Islam's history and heritage. Even if some Muslims wish to ignore things that appear troubling in the historical record, non-Muslim critics and Islamophobes raise these matters incessantly to attack Islam, and my novel presents a rebuttal to those critiques.

Mother of the Believers utilizes the artistic medium of fiction to strengthen and spread the message of my faith, which I love and take very seriously. And Muslims who have bothered to read the book have almost unanimously said that they found it deeply moving and that it strengthened their own faith. I have received emails from readers all over the world who said that my novel made them fall in love with Prophet Muhammad in a way that no dry history textbook has ever accomplished. And I have even been contacted by non-Muslims who are considering embracing Islam after reading my book and being inspired to learn more about the faith.

And yet despite all these positive reactions from the general community, there remains a vocal Muslim minority that has condemned my book as sinful, usually without having read it. This kind of anti-intellectualism is a real problem in the modern Muslim world, and reflects a deep insecurity and lack of faith among some people. Islam has survived countless attacks over the centuries, both by the sword and by the pen, and continues to grow and thrive. Neither my book nor the Danish cartoons will be able to injure the eternal message of Islam - that there is One God and life's purpose is to surrender to Him.

Now, with all that said, let us take an honest look at what the Danish cartoons are really about in the West. The truth is that the Danish newspaper that first published the cartoons, Jyllands-Posten, holds a right-wing agenda that is fundamentally inimical to Islam and Europe's Muslim immigrants - and to the very values held by many who embraced the paper's publication of the cartoons.

Let's take a closer look at the newspaper that is being heralded as the champion of Western values. Jyllands-Posten endorsed Mussolini as 'exactly what the misruled Italian people need." It was sympathetic to Hitler's suspension of democracy in Germany, saying in an editorial in 1933 that "...democratic rule by the people, as we know it, is a luxury which can be afforded in good times when the economy is favorable. But restoring the economy after many years of lavish spending requires a firm hand."

And on the Nazi anti-Semitic pogrom known as Kristallnacht, this is what the newspaper had to say:

When one has studied the Jewish question in Europe for decades, the animosity towards the Jews is to a certain extent understandable, even if we look past the racial theories, that mean so much in the national socialist world view [...] We know, that tens of thousands of Jews condemn the Jewish business sharks, the Jewish pornography speculators and the Jewish terrorists. But still, it cannot be denied, that the experiences which the Germans - as many other continental peoples - have had with regards to the Jews, form a certain basis for their persecution. One must give Germany, that they have a right to dispose of their Jews.

Is this newspaper really the voice of Western values that people want to endorse?

And if we look at some of the loudest voices speaking out in favor of the publication of the Danish cartoons today, they are people with deeply troubling agendas. Most prominent among them in the United States is former United Nations ambassador - and raving neoconservative pit bull - John Bolton. An alumnus of Yale who has signed a letter to the university condemning its failure to publish the cartoons, Mr. Bolton has said that "the whole episode was an example of intellectual cowardice."

Coming from a man who supported the neoconservative cabal that lied us into war in Iraq, the statement "intellectual cowardice" carries a great deal of irony. Had he and his neoconservative comrades been more intellectually cowardly (rather than just cowardly in the draft-dodging sense), thousands of American soldiers and millions of Iraqis would still be alive today. (Mr. Bolton's one moment of intellectual honesty perhaps came in his Yale 25th reunion book, where he remarks on why he chose to join the Maryland Army National Guard during the Vietnam War: "I confess I had no desire to die in a Southeast Asian rice paddy. I considered the war in Vietnam already lost.")

The fact that a cowardly warmonger like Mr. Bolton is one of the most prominent voices in support of the cartoons reveals a painful truth in the Muslim critique of the whole issue - that deep down, the cartoons are not about free speech and never have been. That those who embrace them really do so out of a general hatred for Islam and a desire to humiliate Muslims.

Indeed, a quick search of the blogosphere will find that the websites that are most loudly trumpeting the news of Yale's decision are Islamophobic in nature. The anti-Muslim vitriol and racism on some of these sites is deeply sickening. Let there be no doubt -- these are the champions of the cartoons and these are their loudest proponents.

So I ask the reader to consider -- would you so fervently support cartoons mocking the lynching of African Americans published and championed by racists? I have no doubt that the American Civil Liberties union would support Ku Klux Klan members' right of free speech. But would the general populace also rush to their defense, calling the KKK courageous and heroic for standing up to the blacks (and whites) who would voice outrage at such cartoons?

In Iran, the crass "International Holocaust Cartoon Competition" was enacted to show the double-standards of Westerners championing the Danish cartoons. Cartoons meant to question the historical scholarship on the Holocaust were published by the Iranian newspaper Hamshahri, which challenged Western newspapers to publish them with the same fervor as they did caricatures of Prophet Muhammad. Most media outlets refused to do so.

For the record, I reject this stupid and destructive effort to compete for the lowest common denominator. But ugly and offensive as many of the Iranian cartoons were, the refusal of most respectable Western news outlets to face the truth -- that every culture has its sacred cows and emotional trigger points -- is one that should force us all to reflect. It is easy to say that someone else has no right to be offended by free speech -- until that free speech is directed at us and those issues that matter to us on a deep, foundational level.

Although this may be hard for non-believers to truly grasp, Prophet Muhammad is an archetypal figure that transcends any specific issue or controversy around Islam today. He represents the entirety of a civilization, of 1.5 billion people's sense of their own personal ideal. He is the Prophet for both Muslim extremists we condemn, and the Prophet of Rumi, the Muslim poet beloved in the West. And Prophet Muhammad is the role-model for courageous Muslim reformers, including Muslim feminists, who are challenging the anti-intellectualism, misogyny and violence that is rampant in parts of the Islamic world today.

Prophet Muhammad is more than a historical figure; he is a symbol. And when we choose to mock a symbol, we must accept that we are mocking everything that symbol represents. And that we are hurting people we love and admire as well as those we hate. If we choose to do so, let us at least be honest about our motives, which are to smear an entire civilization, and not gild them in the pretenses of nobility.

To conclude, I remind my fellow Muslims what the Holy Qur'an says: "Good and evil are not equal. So repel evil with what is better, and your enemy will become an intimate friend." (41:34)

So let these cartoons be published by Yale and anyone else who wishes to do so. And let Muslims respond as God has commanded us, with acts of graciousness and dialogue. Let us use this incident to have a discussion about why Prophet Muhammad matters and why we love him so much. Perhaps that dialogue will change a few hearts along the way.

And I am not alone in this belief. One of the most beautiful moments in the storm of controversy around the cartoons came at the behest of a quadriplegic Muslim artist who chose to respond to the caricatures of the Prophet with good rather than evil.

Houssein Nouri, a man who had lost both arms and legs in the Iran-Iraq war, sat in his wheelchair outside the Danish Embassy in Tehran, using his mouth to paint a stunningly beautiful picture of the Virgin Mary, who is beloved in both Islam and Christianity as the mother of Jesus.

In that one moment, Mr. Nouri showed the true beauty - the art - of being a Muslim.

Kamran Pasha is a Hollywood filmmaker and the author of Mother of the Believers, a novel on the birth of Islam as told by Prophet Muhammad's wife Aisha (Atria Books; April 2009). For more information please visit: http://www.kamranpasha.com